RESUMO Este artigo parte do discurso e artigo de Vladimir que questionam, com argumentos históricos, a viabilidade nacional e estatal independente da Ucrânia e dos ucranianos. Pelo lado político, isso permite que se aproprie da cultura historiográfica russa para construir relações entre Rússia e Ucrânia que, em última instância, visam a garantir o direito à guerra e à posse territorial. No artigo, isso servirá de base para uma análise comparativa de algumas das principais narrativas historiográficas tanto da Rússia quanto da Ucrânia sobre o assunto. Especial importância será dada à obra do clássico historiador ucraniano Mykhailo Hrushevsky, principal esteio da narrativa nacional daquele país em termos de sua afirmação como nação independente. Na conclusão será apresentada uma proposta teórica provisória de tentativa de síntese das teorias modernista e perenialista sobre o fenômeno do nacionalismo a partir do caso ucraniano. questionam históricos ucranianos político instância territorial assunto Hrushevsky

ABSTRACT This article starts from Vladimir Putin’s speech and article that questions, with historical arguments, the independent national and state viability of Ukraine and the Ukrainians. On the political side, this allows the appropriation of Russian historiographical culture to build relations between Russia and Ukraine that, ultimately, aim to guarantee the right to war and territorial possession. In the article, this will serve as the basis for a comparative analysis of some of the main historiographical narratives from both Russia and Ukraine on the subject. Special importance will be given to the work of the classic Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky; the main pillar of the national narrative of that country in terms of its affirmation as an independent nation. In conclusion, a provisional theoretical proposal will be presented in an attempt to synthesize modernist and perennialist theories on the phenomenon of nationalism based on the Ukrainian case under debate. Putins Putin s questions arguments Ukrainians side ultimately possession subject Hrushevsky nation conclusion debate

Resumo O artigo analisa a visão de Karl Marx sobre a possibilidade de ocorrência da revolução na Rússia. Inicialmente concentrando suas esperanças nos países da Europa Ocidental, onde o capitalismo estava mais desenvolvido, com o fracasso das revoluções de 1948 e da Comuna de Paris, Marx se volta para as possibilidades de revolução a partir do Leste, da Rússia, até ali considerada o bastião da reação. Suas ideias são expostas em correspondência com os próprios revolucionários russos. Essa trajetória intelectual de Marx é descrita a partir de seus próprios escritos.

Abstract This article analyzes Marx´s vision about the possibility of revolutionary outbreaks in Russia. His initial hopes were concentrated on the countries of Western Europe, where capitalism was more highly developed. With the defeat of the 1848 revolutions and of the Paris Commune, Marx turns his attention to the possibility of a revolution coming from the East, from Russia, until then considered a bastion of reaction. His ideas are exposed in an exchange of letters with the Russian revolutionaries themselves. Marx´s intellectual development on this issue is described using his own writings as a basis.

Resumen El artículo analiza la visión de Karl Marx sobre la posibilidad de eclosión de la revolución en Rusia. Sus esperanzas iniciales se concentraron en los países de Europa Occidental, donde el capitalismo estaba más desarrollado. Con la derrota de las revoluciones de 1848 y de la Comuna de París, Marx vuelve su atención a la posibilidad de una revolución procedente del Oriente, de Rusia, hasta entonces considerada un bastión de reacción. Sus ideas están expuestas en correspondencia con los revolucionarios rusos. El desarrollo intelectual de Marx sobre esta cuestión se describe utilizando sus propios escritos como base.

Liberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints in sociological, political and economic theory. They are usually perceived as opposite, rival approaches. In the field of democracy there is a seemingly insurmountable rift around the question of political versus economic democracy. Liberals emphasize the former, Marxists the latter. Liberals say that economic democracy is too abstract and fuzzy a concept, therefore one should concentrate on the workings of an objective political democracy. Marxists insist that political democracy without economic democracy is insufficient. The article argues that both propositions are valid and not mutually exclusive. It proposes the creation of an operational, quantifiable index of economic democracy that can be used alongside the already existing indexes of political democracy. By using these two indexes jointly, political and economic democracy can be objectively evaluated. Thus, the requirements of both camps are met and maybe a more dialogical approach to democracy can be reached in the debate between liberals and Marxists. The joint index is used to evaluate the levels of economic and political democracy in the transition countries of Eastern Europe.

Este artigo analisa a trajetória política de Gennadii Zyuganov, o líder do Partido Comunista da Federação Russa. Procura mostrar como na carreira de Zyuganov estão refletidas as principais contradições e os dilemas por que passa o movimento comunista na Rússia atual.

This article analyzes the political career of Gennadii Zyuganov, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Zyuganov's actions and speeches highlight the contradictions and dilemmas which the Russian communist movement has to face nowadays.

This article analyzes the modifications undergone by the concepts of "left" and "right" in the world after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the USSR. It sheds light on the consequences of these historical and theoretical changes in Brazil and postulates a hypothesis on the role of the left as the prime mover of radical alterations in the dynamic functioning of party systems as a whole.

Dans cet article, on analyse les transformations qu'ont subies les concepts de gauche et droite dans le monde après la chute du Mur de Berlin et la désagrégration de l'URSS. On y examine les conséquences au Brésil de ces changements historiques et théoriques en posant l'hypothèse selon laquelle la gauche est historiquement le primum mobile des changements radicaux dans la dynamique des systèmes de partis dans leur ensemble.